{On various pages of the present site is given a cross-sectional or synchronic view on the present field of arteological research and theory.} However, a cross-section can give no complete picture of the topic, because theories are not static. Some of them have existed since antiquity, and we know that they have developed continually, as well as has the design of products.
Fortunately, we have a plentiful collection of documents from various times, both on the theories of design and on the ensuing products. Moreover, many ancient products have survived. We have thus good chances to study design and its theory in a diachronic, or historical view, and so has indeed been done already in many profound treatises under the labels of History of Science, respectively Art History. Such a study helps us to understand why our object of study is as it is today, and it can help us to prepare ourselves for foreseeable changes in the future.
To help understanding the role of design theory in modern product development, we start by taking a brief historical look at the traditional way of designing products without the help from any explicit theory.
Man has
always been compelled to adapt his activity and his belongings to the changing
requirements of the environment. We may well assume that in the
earliest times, these changes were made almost instinctively. Moreover, as most
people lived in families and tribes, the younger members of the community had access
to an abundant source of experience: the tacit
wisdom stored in the memories of their elders and accumulated in the models of
design of all artifacts which followed tradition (fig. on the right).
Tradition was often quite rigid, and people were reluctant to diverge from it when making new products. A diversion could only be made if people felt strong enough need for it. Christopher Alexander gives a beautiful description of how tradition could be developed (1964 p.46):
"Form-builders will only introduce changes under strong compulsion where there are powerful (and obvious) irritations in the existing forms which demand correction ... Adaptation depends on the simple fact that the process toward equilibrium is irreversible. Misfit provides an incentive to change; good fit provides none. In theory the process is eventually bound to reach the equilibrium of well-fitting forms. ...
However, for the fit to occur in practice, one vital condition must be satisfied. It must have time to happen. The process must be able to achieve its equilibrium before the next culture change upsets it again."
The development of tradition is normally incremental: it mainly consists of just small diversions from the original model. After a tentative change is made, the result will be scrutinized and judged either better or worse than the original. If it is not deemed satisfactory, new attempts are made until a good "fit" is found. The method is called iteration (lat. iterum, "anew").
The iterative method has a few weaknesses. While iteration usually leads to a better solution, it may nevertheless fail to find the best alternative of all.
An example of this is illustrated in the figure on the left: if the iteration process is started at option A, it will eventually lead to alternative C. This is however only a partial optimum: while it is certainly better than the neighbours, it is far from the absolute optimum S, which is radically different and could never have been found by iteration only. Indeed, it is a fact that the old unconscious and iterative way along which tradition developed, hardly ever gave rise to principally new solutions. Obviously, if you consider only alternatives that do not differ much from the old one you never invent something radically new.
Another weakness of the iteration method is that it can effectively optimize only one feature of the object at a time. If you have several alternatives which diverge from the old model, and from each other, in more than one respect, you will find it impossible to compare and rank order them with the iterative method. Iteration works well if the differences between alternatives concern no more than one property of the objects, otherwise it may lead in the wrong direction.
Successful development of tradition is thus possible only if three conditions are met:
These conditions are seldom fulfilled in modern society, consequently the average craftsman can seldom use tradition as a basis when designing a new product. As a contrast, a professional designer sometimes can still exploit the traditions of his profession. The reason is that a modern, schooled designer is used to theoretical thinking and thus can assess which elements of tradition are obsolete and which are still serviceable when designing a new product.
An
amusing account of exemplar-based education in the traditional method of "masters
and apprentices" is given by Yona Friedman, 1975, figure on the
left:
"Learning is dispensed by "masters," who have their own special tricks [of trade] which are usually impossible to communicate. Even though they can use them, they can't teach them. Masters are surrounded, therefore, by apprentices who do their best to imitate their master's working style, hoping by one means or another to pick up his "touch."
I call such disciplines the prenticeable disciplines."
As a contrast to the traditional method, Friedman explains the method of "scientific education", figure on the right:
"But there are other disciplines, for the most part called sciences, in which ... schools operate according to an arsenal of rules, which are available to the public... Anybody who reads and understands these rules can apply them himself, without having to imitate the masters; and once he understands them, he can communicate them to anyone else. They are stated in such a way that in any instance it is clear whether they apply or not.
I call these the teachable disciplines."
The modern innovators can base their designs not only on earlier products and on the experiences from their use, but also on something very powerful: theoretical models of the products. Models can provide
grounds for completely new solutions, grounds for evaluating them and for developing them until a variant which fulfils all the simultaneous requirements is found (fig. on the left).
Constructing a theoretical model for a practical product or its use is often difficult enough, and it was probably seldom done during the era of traditional craftsmen. However, in modern society there are specialists in the making and use of theoretical models: researchers. When such specialists are invited to take part in the process, it means starting a deliberate development project which calls for special methods.
The idea of inviting academic researchers to assist in industrial development is relatively new. Before the industrial revolution, most research was done in universities, and their researchers were not really interested in the development of practical activities. These latter were classified as part of the management of industry and crafts, which activities were often considered less intellectual and less valuable than "pure" thinking and erudition. This order of values was a legacy dating back to antiquity, when industry and all practical work was delegated to slaves and servants.
In antiquity, few classical philosophers had anything to say on how to develop a practical skill. Aristotle, however, made a passing remark in which he classified sciences into two groups: higher theoretical sciences which search for the truth; and practical sciences which aim at helping and steering man's activities. Examples of the latter were ethics, politics and economy. It is quite astounding that neither Aristotle nor any other known philosopher said a word on the thriving practical sciences in Greece: the medicine of Hippocrates, the physics of Archimedes, or the construction science of Vitruve.
However, even without any help from academic philosophy, the skills and traditions of the various handicrafts gradually improved. During the Middle Ages, the handicraft arts became organized into the various guilds, and most of these wanted to keep the accumulated skill and tradition as precious secrets of the guild. Because few masters were able to read or write, the knowledge was mostly conserved as tacit know how, and most of it has now vanished. Anyhow, the masters knew the value of tradition well, and knew also their own authority as keepers of the knowledge of tradition. It is apparent in the speech of architect Jean Mignot arriving in the year 1400 to teach the unfortunate masons of the Milan cathedral, whose vaults were about to collapse:
Ars sine scientia nihil est. "Skill without knowledge is of no value."
Francis Bacon (1561 - 1626) and Galileo Galilei (1564 - 1642) were the first philosophers to seriously contemplate the logic of the "practical sciences". Eventually it became clear that research could help us to reach goals of two types:
From the findings of informative research we cannot directly proceed to normative recommendations. "From what is, does not follow what should be" says the axiom sometimes called "Hume's Guillotine". (David Hume, 1711 - 1776.) Between description and norm we need an intermediate phase of human evaluation which may lead to different conclusions depending on who makes the assessment.
{It took quite a long time before philosophers were able to clarify the logical relation between informative and normative science.} Auguste Comte (1798 - 1857) combined the various goals of science in one sentence: savoir pour prévoir pour pouvoir - knowledge helps us to predict and thus to influence. {Many philosophers wanted to see research projects as links in a chain where information flows gradually from basic research to practical application. This chain would consist of three types of research projects:}
However, modern empirical study of what really happens between researchers, financiers and industry co-operating in development has shown that that such chains starting at basic research and ending at application are not at all common in real life. Factually, most technological developments originate not in basic research but in the practical (or assumed) needs of customers, or sometimes in an innovation made in the workshop. After this incentive, the theoretical aspects may then be investigated, clarified, or refined by researchers, but this happens only when industrial management deems it necessary.
Is there any model, then, typical of modern industrial development? Many researchers have hoped to find it by studying the flagship of modern progress, technology. In 1965, de Solla Price published his paper, Is Technology Historically Independent of Science? In 1966, several famous philosophers united in writing Towards a Philosophy of Technology; 1969 Herbert A. Simon wrote an important book, The Sciences of the Artificial. After that, research and seminar reports have appeared at least annually, and today the logic in the development of modern engineering science is well documented.
{Above was given a short account of the principal philosophical deliberations that have provided the basis of the present site of arteology. Gathering the material for this site and finding a suitable structure for it took several years, which process is documented on the page How Arteology was born.
It seems today that the traditional division between basic research, applied research, and development, can give no fertile basis for the study of products and production. On this site of arteology we instead use another division of research activities which is based on the principal goals of research projects:
In the following we shall compare the historical evolution of arteology with the normal patterns in the evolution of other branches of science, and attempt to make a modest forecast for the imminent future of arteology.}
From surviving documents we know that the development of theories, especially of the normative design theories, has not always been an undisturbed, steady progress. Instead, there have been many upheavals on its road from antiquity until our time. Inherited doctrines have been several times replaced with new ones and many venerable professionals have eventually lost their authority. Such state of things is, of course, not uncommon in research activity. Fundamental revisions of theories have occurred, even successively, in the history of many branches of science. Some historians of science believe that revolutions belong to the normal and even inevitable development of any branch of science. These researchers think that there are recurring patterns, "laws of evolution" that most sciences follow. A famous presentation of some them is given by Thomas Kuhn in the book The Structure of Scientific Revolutions.
Each science that we know today has begun with a chaos of isolated suggestions by solitary authors. Today we would call these suggestions "hypotheses" and we would expect them to be tested and become either accepted or rejected. However, in their time there were few means to test the validity of these hypotheses because of the absence of scientific methodology. Those hypotheses that (as we now know) would have been most fruitful for scientific development were not selected as the basis of subsequent study more often than the bad ones. In other words, research was not self correcting but continued in haphazard directions as long as resources could be found for such futile work.
This "preparadigmatic" confusion was destined to last until the first researcher was able to create so extensive theoretical models that they covered not only his own findings but also those of some other researchers, and this new theory gained general acceptance. If practical applications could be expected from the new theory, it would also boost its acceptance and help finding the finances for further work; however before 18 century practical benefits from science were seldom expected.
An often quoted example of the preparadigmatic phase of science was the era of alchemy which ended only in 17 century with the advent of the earliest reliable theories of chemistry. Another example is given by Kuhn (p.13). He describes the situation in optics before Isaac Newton gave this science its first durable basis:
"Being able to take no common body of belief for granted, each writer on physical optics felt forced to build his field anew from its foundations. In doing so, his choice of supporting observation and experiment was relatively free, for there was no standard set of methods or of phenomena."
The preparadigmatic period often persists for a long time because there are many obstacles in finding the first general theory for a field of science. They include:
Pseudo-science. Sometimes it happens that
researchers in a preparadigmatic field of exploration manage to gather resources and
organize themselves ostensibly like a real institution of science. For example, alchemy
and astrology could in their heyday occasionally find patrons who would pay the
expenses of research; today tobacco industry is such a patron to those scientists that
can find evidence against the dangers of tobacco. Scientology is another modern
example of pseudo-science.
The proponents of pseudo-science usually declare
themselves to be honest scientists; however the distinction to real science can easily
be seen by noting the following characteristic traits of pseudo-science:
One could think that because most findings of arteology become quickly verified by practice there is little risk of pseudo-science. Alas, the reverse is true. This is due to the very practicality of arteology: in modern times it still is possible to create many simple types of artifacts like buildings or furniture without relying on theory and using traditional methods: by iteration, by relying on exemplars and inherited skills and by intuitive artistic creation. As a consequence, it is also possible to present nonsense as design theory, without too much risk of getting punished for it. Brilliant instances of this can easily be found (to mention only one field) among phenomenological writings on architecture.
Creation of an independent and operational paradigm marks the turning point on the road to new science. This road is always a collective process of several researchers and it entails normally the following advancements in generally applied practices of study:
The process of amalgamation of initially separate scientific theories has been studied by many historians of science, among others by George Santayana (p. 267) who attributes the original idea of scientific unity to Heraclitus: "Men asleep live each in his own world, but awake they live in the same world together" ... "Languages and religions are necessarily rivals, but sciences are necessarily allies." ... Besides, Santayana describes the process in a beautiful parable:
"A geographer in China and one in Babylon may at first make wholly unlike maps; but in time both will take note of the Himalayas, and the side each approaches will slope up to the very crest approached by the other."
Or is it only taking shape -- note that even the name "Arteology" cannot yet be found in dictionaries? This question can be answered by studying the above presented list of the typical stages in the evolution of an emerging field of science.
According to the list, the first necessity for science is a reliable system for hypothesis testing. In the design science this testing includes two essential examinations:
The second and third points in the maturation of a new science aim at securing that there is sufficient coherence between the separate findings. Concerning the various paradigms of design theories for artifacts this cohesion is provided by the following common elements:
On the basis of the above assessment we can conclude that for producing reliable and consistent theory, arteology possesses no less effective methods than most other sciences. It is thus to be judged as a mature science.
Observe that most of the criteria for assessment that we used above have their origins in the field of informative studies and they are therefore not always very favourable for normative sciences. If we had given more weight to the criteria typical for normative studies, i.e. to utility, arteology had easily beaten many venerated disinterested sciences.
The progress in most sciences does not advance in uniform speed. On the contrary, it often happens that several great discoveries are made during a short interval, after which the progress gradually slows down and no spectacular findings turn up for a long time. This frequently occurring pattern has been cleverly explained by Thomas Kuhn who has also given names to these two alternating phases of research: normal science and scientific revolution.
During the period of normal science the scientists cultivate an existing paradigm which includes those theoretical concepts that most scientists in this field approve. They pertain to the basic nature of the objects of study and how they shall be viewed, approached and measured; research methods; models that describe or explain the phenomena; the accumulated bank of data.
In normal-scientific research the areas of study and of theory grow steadily, but this is done cautiously: most scientists prefer to articulate those phenomena and theories that the paradigm already supplies (Kuhn p.24).
As long as the paradigm functions satisfactorily, scientists do not aim to invent new theories, and they are often intolerant of the theories proposed by others. This seemingly conservative tactic has a rational explanation: it improves the productivity of research.
"More than one theoretical construction can always be placed upon a given collection of data. History of science indicates that, particularly in the early developmental stages of a new paradigm, it is not even very difficult to invent such alternates. But that invention of alternates is just what scientists seldom undertake except during the pre-paradigm stage of their science's development and at very special occasions during its subsequent evolution. So long as the tools a paradigm supplies continue to prove capable of solving the problems it defines, science moves fastest and penetrates most deeply through confident employment of those tools. The reason is clear. As in manufacture so in science -- retooling is an extravagance to be reserved for the occasion that demands it" (Kuhn p.76).
The productivity of normal science that Kuhn speaks of, means apparently such things as the yearly number of theses, of published pages and of reciprocal references to publications -- in other words, productivity as measured from inside the scientific community. High productivity of this kind is typical of government-financed research institutions which can often select the problems to be studied so that they can do research on the basis of earlier models and perhaps also repeat the approaches of earlier investigations.
Note, however, that productivity is not always equal to efficiency as measured from outside the scientific community, not to speak of the utility of research publications. For example, aesthetics, the study of art and beauty, has now continued over 2000 years, but are we getting today more beautiful works of art with its help?
Anyway, the normal science mode of study continues in most fields from generation to generation and its theory grows consistently. Eventually it can turn out that there are some anomalies, i.e. empirical cases which are in conflict with the paradigm. The normal strategy then is to inspect if existing theory could be adjusted to conform to these anomalies; if this is impossible the normal routine is to leave the disturbing anomalies in peace as unsolved problems, for the moment. The old paradigm will not be rejected just for the reason that there are some anomalies.
"Once it has achieved the status of paradigm, a scientific theory is declared invalid only if an alternate candidate is available to take its place ... The decision to reject one paradigm is always simultaneously the decision to accept another" (Kuhn, 77).
In informative sciences a change of paradigm, which Kuhn calls scientific revolution is possible only when there is available a new theory in concord with all the evidence, including the anomalies and also all those instances which were covered by the old theory. Even then, the revolution is not over at once -- it is not uncommon that established scholars in the field of study stick quite a while to the old paradigm in the hope of preserving their authority.
In the research of artifacts no swift and spectacular revolutions have occurred, but a similar albeit gradual process was experienced during the 19 century, when the old Platonian doctrine on beauty as an attribute of objects lost popularity and younger researchers started to support Baumgarten's newer theory of 'beauty' as a peculiar mechanism in subjective perception.
Above, it was found that need for revolution in a field of informative science arises when the
credibility of the old paradigm is falling, that is, if it seems that a new proposal for theory could give a better description or explanation for the object of study.
As a contrast, in normative sciences the value criterion of a paradigm is not so much credibility but rather utility: the results that can be achieved when applying the theory into practice. Utility includes here all the desirable attributes of artifacts like usability, beauty, meaning, message, as well their ecological and
economical values.
More correctly, it is not the attributes themselves but how they are evaluated by people in society, that gives the decisive verdict in the assessment of design theories.
Because human societies change continually, the utility value of a given proposal for design theory varies in time and it is normal that after major social changes in society also the prevailing paradigms of design lose their charms and people begin to long for a change in the trend of design. It is possible that even the principal goal of design will be changed, which will at once be mirrored in subsequent products as a set of new features, a new style of design.
An excellent example from the historical development of design theories and design styles can be found in the history of European architecture. Its styles as well as its theories are well documented from antiquity until our time (cf. Theory of Architecture).
| Dominant goal of architecture and of its design theory: | Founder of
the paradigm of theory: |
Style of
architectural design: |
| Beauty | Vitruve | Doric, Ionian and
Corinthian styles |
| Religious salvation | St.Augustine | The Gothic style |
| Beauty (the
classical goals were revived) |
L.B.Alberti | Renaissance,
baroque, rococo, neoclassical style |
| Individualism | Viollet-le-Duc | l'Art Nouveau and
other personal styles like Gaudi's |
| Utility | Le Corbusier | Functionalism |
| Economy
of building |
F.W.Taylor | No-name cheap
element building |
The table on the right shows six consecutive periods of European architecture which are characterized by changes of paradigm, in theory as well as in style. Both the architectural styles and the dominant design theories of these periods are incompatible with other periods (excepting that renaissance adopted some of the theories of antiquity). All five paradigm changes have been caused by fundamental shifts in people's prevailing preferences regarding the goals of building.
Although in technology there can be no design without theory, in other words new theory must always precede new design, in arts the connection is loose. An artifact can be designed in hours, while research takes months, therefore it is normal that researchers cannot at once produce the new theory that would meet the customers' new needs. Instead an artist more talented than others can succeed creating intuitively a new product that fulfills the new demands.
This artifact then becomes the { exemplar that defines the new fashion of design, at least for some time ahead, until a design theory based on more extensive research eventually appears. In the diagram on the left, red dots mark the exemplars that show the way for the normal and conventional works that follow (black dots), and that in turn indicate the general trend of design and in time also the main line of theory. As the diagram shows, the exemplars are often a little bit, but not too much, off the main road of development. Besides, there are usually a few extremist artists and their works (blue dots) that fail in getting understanding and approval, and who thus remain as historical curiosities.
If you want to make this kind of study, you can select for the dimension x in the diagram any characteristic of the artefacts that you think is important in the change of styles that you are studying.
Above we found that arteology, to some extent at least, follows the general model that Kuhn and others have discovered in the evolution of sciences. Now it is a common property of explaining-type models that you can use them to forecast even the future development of the object that was being studied - with the risk of miscalculation, of course. Anyway, it can be of interest to try to speculate on probable trends in the world of design and of its theory. Are we approaching new scientific or stylistic revolutions, or shall the development continue as a peaceful evolution?
New fashions of design shall certainly appear in accelerating tempo as long as the industry has expanding resources for consulting designers, and as long as managers believe that the public wants continually new models.
However, regarding the development of theory we can expect that the latter, peaceful alternative continues in the foreseeable future. The reason is that there is now so much research going on in every field of production that any new appearing problem resulting from changes outside the design profession has good chances to get appropriate attention at once. Another factor that helps keeping problems away is our excellent world-wide information system which distributes swiftly all theoretical advancements.
Unsolved problems will thus not likely get accumulated into a bundle that could be rectified only with a full-scale revolution. The situation will not be as difficult as it was in Alberti's or Viollet-le-Duc's time (see above), who were forced to make a revolution because they had too many problems to solve at once, being the first pioneers in their field after an interval with no competent research lasting for several generations.
| Types of artifacts (examples) |
Approach of study: | |||||
| Works of art | x | xx | xx | ... | ... | x |
| Clothes | xx | xx | xx | x | x | xx |
| Furniture | xx | xx | x | x | x | xx |
| Buildings | xx | x | x | xx | x | xx |
| etc. | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... |
May 4, 2005. Original location:
http://www2.uiah.fi/projects/metodi
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